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  4. Spatial Practice of Inscription, Negotiation, and Resistance: Rethinking Urban Planning and Architectural History on the Enforced Relocation of the KanRo Community, Taipei
 
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Spatial Practice of Inscription, Negotiation, and Resistance: Rethinking Urban Planning and Architectural History on the Enforced Relocation of the KanRo Community, Taipei

Date Issued
2004
Date
2004
Author(s)
Yang, Chang-Ling
DOI
zh-TW
URI
http://ntur.lib.ntu.edu.tw//handle/246246/62025
Abstract
Abstract: This dissertation focuses on the relationships between the urban renewal process, the local enforced relocations, and the spatial resistance from the KanRo community, Taipei. The main issues within the article are the place identities to the self-built communities, the social-psychological impacts of the enforced relocations, and the resistant organizations against desconstructions. All of these are discussed in the view of feminism architectural history approach. There are four issues on the research: 1.How and why did the self-built community be build (made) by these residents? Did they take advantages or contribute themselves to the society from using public land? 2.Why the government bulldozed the community instead of revitalize it? 3.What are the social-psychological impacts for the residents when they suffered in the enforced relocations? 4.What are the negotiations and resistance between the community memories and public histories? The research adapted qualitative research methods, including in-depth interviews, participatory observations, and data collections. There were 48 interviewees including 38 community residents, 8 social movement actors and planners, and 2 social workers. The average age of the residents is over 65 and most of them depend on the social welfare for living. The research findings are: 1. We should use “self-built community” to name the so-called urban slum or shantytown for poor people and urban-rural settlements tried to solve the deficient housing and social welfare by work and live together. 2. The government tried to avoid taking responsibilities to support the poor to get enough housing and better environment, instead, it tried to destroy the community to cover urban problems. 3. The enforced relocations desconstructed place attachments, place identities, and the strong connected community. Hence, residents would bring the feeling of loss and unsecured also for more than six years. 4. Though there was systematic neglecting to locally marginal groups, and there were social exclusions and urban gentrifications accompanied with the enforced relocations during planning process, the residents of the KanRo Community still struggled for their rights. Form the view of social movement, there were empowerments under this case of enforced relocations. 1.The enforced relocation made us know the true meanings of the shantytown, as they might be vigorous and supportive communities. 2.The enforced relocation partially shaped the resistant actions. 3.The enforced relocation would make people think what the proper actions that official government could carry under the enforced relocation. 4.The enforced relocations are chances to make community people parts of the public histories. That is the most important part for local people to against globally spatial planning.
Subjects
社區記憶
非自願拆遷
女性主義建築史
公眾歷史
空間抵抗與實踐
都市規劃
feminist architectural history
community memory
enforced relocation
public history
spatial resistance and practice
urban planning
SDGs

[SDGs]SDG5

[SDGs]SDG10

[SDGs]SDG11

Type
thesis
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ntu-93-D85544008-1.pdf

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(MD5):bb98ab7bfe21be2ced86a043f780848a

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