晚清民族主義的傳播與擴散

Abstract

近年來台灣和世界都將目光放在中國的崛起，積極和中國建立經濟上的合作關係，同時卻也擔心中國的壯大將對他們的生存造成威脅。與其說是中國會帶來威脅，不如說是各國對既有利益逐漸受到挑戰的恐懼。清末民初是現代中國民族主義興盛的關鍵時期，瞭解晚清民族主義如何在中國傳播、擴散、定型，應有助於推想現代中國的姿態與未來可能的作為。本論文聚焦在中國民族主義的「傳播與擴散」，嘗試描繪一幅整體性的圖像，找出民族主義思想傳播的軌跡，以此對中國民族主義的性質有所瞭解。本文對「民族」下一暫時定義，作為論述的根據。即民族是一群人根基於生物性基礎，和主觀認定的同質性條件，擁有願意相信的共同記憶，構成有邊界，可聲稱具有主權的團體。

近代中國民族主義發展的軌跡，內部是清廷政權正當性基礎，在人口爆炸資源分配不平之下，為太平天國動亂所衝擊，激發了久被壓制的漢族反抗意識，這些思想潛伏在民間，並未上升成為一般士紳關注的重點。外部是帝國主義在主權、領土和經濟上的剝削，讓少數士人警覺中國已非高高在上，而是屈居人下，為了和各國取得平等地位，中國有必要積極改革。因民族國家競爭而激起的民族主義，主導了晚清的政治改革；卻因為清政府的無力回應，和滿漢之間長期以來在法律、任官上的不平等，讓外部的民族主義強化了內部的滿漢民族主義。於是佔人口大多數的漢人，為了中國內外的資源競爭，動員了歷史記憶，由內而外地，以推翻滿清爭取漢人在中國的平等，繼而爭取中國在世界的平等。

未來中國民族主義的走向，即取決於民族屈辱記憶的平復和民族光榮的達成。只要這些創傷記憶能夠平復，民族主義的強度自然隨之減弱，或許也就能逐漸接受人類社會的普世價值，逐步加以實踐。

For recent years, Taiwan and the world have cautiously noticed the rise of China. They built bilateral cooperative relationship in economic fields, but on the same time, expressed their concern for the threat coming with a mighty China. However, it is more accurate to say that the world fears the gradual challenge on their profits, rather than the military threat on their survival. Modern Chinese nationalism boomed at the period of late Qing China, around 1895-1911. A profound scrutiny of nationalism, of its communication, diffusion and consolidation, helps forecast the future possibilities of modern China. My thesis focuses on the “communication and diffusion” of Chinese nationalism, attempting to map and depict an integral picture, to locate the traces of its prevalence, and reexamines the core essence of Chinese nationalism. A working definition on nation is provided: a nation is a demarcated group with the right to claim sovereignty; composed of a group of people, based on biological features and other identical characteristics which are subjectively approved, and sharing collective memory which they are willing to believe.

The tracks of modern Chinese nationalism can be divided in two streams. The internal part is that the legitimacy of Manchurian monarchy was challenged by the Taiping rebellion, under the problem of population explosion and the uneven distribution of political and economical resources. The impact unearthed the long-oppressed anti-Manchu ideology of Han people in the popular society, but it failed to attract the notice of elite and gentry. The external part is that the exploitations on China’s sovereignty, territory and economy from imperial empires, forced a small number of intellectuals to recognize the dramatic falling and fragility of national power. In order to fight for equality, reform was necessary and inevitable. The nationalism motivated by the fierce competition of nation-states guided the political reform of late Qing China. But the fruitless response of Qing government, and the long-term inequality of domestic ethnic groups, left the room for the combination of internal racial nationalism and external state nationalism. Therefore, the Han Chinese, the majority group in China, mobilized their historical memories, decided to overthrow the Manchu government to fight for domestic equality, and subsequently compete with other modern nations for equal international status.

The future of Chinese nationalism depends on the recovery of these humiliating memories and the completion of national glory. As long as these trauma memories can be healed, the strength and intensity of nationalism will abate. And China might accept and practice universal values of human society.