臺北市泉腔閩南語央元音的變異與變化

Abstract

本文探究臺北市泉腔閩南語央元音的變異與變化，主要研究問題為：(1）臺北市泉腔閩南語複元音韻、單元音韻以及陽聲韻等三種韻母結構的央元音，衰退程度是否不同？影響因素為何？(2）兩個單央元音[]、[]，哪一個衰退較快？原因何在？本文採用詞彙表調查臺北市老安溪、新安溪、老同安、新同安四區的老、中、青三個年齡層共104人。研究發現複元音韻[e]的央元音衰退得最快，單元音韻的央元音保留得較好，呈現結構擴散的趨勢，此與其韻母的結構限制有關；而兩個單央元音[]、[]衰退的程度，則是[]比[]更快消失，此可能同時受到方言接觸與文白系統競爭壓力的雙重影響。調查結果也顯示〈居居〉韻類文言詞彙與白話詞彙選擇的變體不同，本文認為文言詞彙的演變反映新文讀層次的形成，而白話詞彙的演變則反映以漳腔變體為優勢的臺灣通行腔的影響。此外，藉由方言差異與世代差異的比較，本文也發現由於臺灣閩南語通行腔的影響，臺北市泉腔閩南語的音變趨勢，已經由語音自然演變轉為方言變體競爭的替代性變異。

This paper discusses the sound variation and change of the central vowels of Chuan-based dialects in Taipei City. The main questions are as follows: (1) There are three structures of the central vowels in Taipei Chuan-based dialects, including the central vowels in diphthong, monophthong and the one with nasal coda. Do the central vowels of these three structures decline at different speeds? And what is the cause? (2) There are two central vowels in monophthong, [] and []. Which one declines at a faster speed? And what is the reason? We investigated 104 informants, who were divided into three groups: the old-age group, the middle-age group and the young group. This investigation leads to four conclusions: (1) The central vowel in diphthong [e] and the one with nasal coda [n] decline faster than those in monophthong. This is a structural diffusion which resulted from conditions of different finals. (2) The central vowels in monophthong, [] declines faster than []. This situation is probably affected both by dialectal contact and the competition between the literary system and the colloquial system. (3) The central vowel [] in monophthong changes in two ways. The literary words on their way to [u] reflects a newly formed literary final, while the colloquial words on their way to [i] reflects the influence from the dominant Chang-based dialects. (4) A comparison among sub-dialects for different generations shows that the sound variation and change in Taipei City have come up their ways, from phonetical sound change to the substitution by the dominant dialectal variants.