The Repatriation of the Ukanju between Chos?n and Manchu: Northeast Asian Order in Transition during 17th Century
|關鍵字:||逃人;ukanju;刷還;滿洲;朝鮮;十七世紀東北亞國際秩序;Escapee;ukanju;repatriation;Manchu;Chos?n;seventeenth-century Northeast Asian political order||公開日期:||2015||摘要:||「ukanju」是清史中的專有名詞，漢文翻作逃人。由於清順治、康熙年間的投充、圈地等政策之故，產生了大量的逃人，故引起了前輩學者之關注，並獲得了為數不少的研究成果。正因為上述的問題意識與研究框架，此前學界普遍認為逃人的定義便是「逃亡滿洲奴僕」，更有甚者則以之為「逃亡漢人奴僕」，並用以理解清代之滿漢矛盾。然而，這些都是清入關後的情況。在清入關以前，即明清戰爭或明清交替期的「逃人」，果真可以只以「滿洲奴僕」或「漢人奴僕」來理解嗎？其次，朝鮮與滿洲曾於1627與1636年爆發過兩次戰爭，而在滿洲方發動這兩次戰爭時所持的理由中，都提及了朝鮮「收納逃人」或「納我逃人」。由此而論，當時的逃人應該是非常重要的人群，否則不致於以此興兵。那麼，這群逃人到底又是怎樣的一群人？為何滿洲對其如此執著？進一步而論，這些逃人究竟在明清交替的時代背景下扮演了何種角色？他們又如何促進了東北亞國際秩序從以明為中心轉為以清為中心？ 為回答上述問題，本研究分為兩部份：一是透過檢視滿文史料、朝鮮史料中有關逃人或ukanju之記錄，重新釐清十七世紀逃人的組成與性質。二是透過朝鮮史料中的逃人刷還相關記錄，勾勒出逃人在十七世紀明清交替、東北亞國際秩序轉換之際所扮演的角色，並藉此賦予十七世紀逃人群體新的歷史意義。 透過比對滿文史料與朝鮮史料，可知所謂的逃人群體，可分為上層逃人與下層逃人。上層逃人中，包括滿洲親貴、蒙古王公、明降將與朝鮮降將；而下層逃人則可分為瓦爾喀人逃人、漢人逃人、朝鮮人逃人等三大類。由此可知，逃人並非全然是所謂的「逃亡滿洲（漢人）奴僕」，而是包含了各種身分、族群的群體。因此《逃人檔》封面的「從他處逃來，以及從吾地逃走」（Ubašame ukame jihe, museingge ukame genehe）之語，恐怕更貼近逃人的定義：移民、人群移動。同時，這也顯示出逃人一詞指涉之隨意性：全憑滿洲人之用法為依歸。 相較於上層逃人直接影響了明清戰局之走向，下層逃人之爭奪則成為明、滿洲、朝鮮三大勢力間較勁之所在。因而下層逃人乃是本研究之中心所在。下層逃人中的瓦爾喀逃人、漢人逃人、朝鮮人逃人等，各自有其不同之產生脈絡與意義。瓦爾喀人原本是居於圖們江沿岸的女真人，在1607年努爾哈赤崛起之初，便已成為滿洲要求刷還之對象。然而，滿洲於1633年再次要求朝鮮刷還境內之瓦爾喀逃人，則是為了對朝鮮施加壓力、迫使其加入己方之陣營並試圖消耗其與明朝聯繫之精力。1644年，滿洲入關之際，順治帝令朝鮮停止刷還瓦爾喀逃人一事，即是明證。至於漢人逃人，則是滿洲一開始所最在意之人群，因為他們是遼東地區的經濟與統治基礎。1621年以降，大量遼東漢人湧入朝鮮半島，這才導致了滿洲、朝鮮間逃人刷還問題之展開。其中，滿洲要求朝鮮刷還漢人逃人之同時，代表明朝的皮島勢力自毛文龍、劉興治以迄黃孫茂，亦要求朝鮮刷還遼民。因此，遼民或漢人逃人之刷還，實屬明、朝鮮、滿洲三方之競合；而滿洲藉著瓦爾喀逃人與漢人逃人之刷還，也一步步動搖、瓦解了十五世紀以降以明為中心所形成的東北亞國際秩序。 朝鮮人逃人本就是朝鮮屬民，主要產生於1627與1633年朝鮮、滿洲間的兩次戰爭。就朝鮮的立場而言，1637年以前，漢人逃人由於是上國子民，自然無法將之刷還於滿洲；朝鮮人逃人是萬死逃還的生民赤子，故不可刷還；而境內瓦爾喀人由於多與本國人通婚，故亦不可刷還。1637年以降，由於與滿洲之盟約中明文規定必須刷還逃人，故朝鮮不得不展開該作業。其結果，遭優先刷還的是漢人逃人，其次是瓦爾喀逃人，最後才是朝鮮人逃人。 為儘快孤立明朝、將朝鮮納入自己所構建的新東北亞國際秩序之中，清在逼迫朝鮮政府刷還逃人之同時，亦於1638年對朝鮮施「恩」：主動送還從朝鮮逃至清國境內的朝鮮人「逃人」，即朴愛京事件。由此，可再次印證逃人的性質：移民、人群移動。然朝鮮政府並不領情，其仍在能力範圍內，收留逃回之朝鮮人逃人，故引發了1666年的安秋元事件。安秋元事件以降，朝鮮才全面刷還朝鮮人逃人，並於1675年將朝鮮人逃人安端直接視為「清人」，並將之送還。考量當時清朝內有三藩之亂、外有察哈爾部之叛，朝鮮將安端送還可視為其已認可清朝所建立的新東北亞國際秩序。總結而論，1607至1675年間滿洲、朝鮮間的逃人刷還問題，既是滿洲用以建立新東北亞國際秩序之武器，亦是觀察東北亞國際秩序變動之指標。
Ukanju is a Manchu-language term used in Ch’ing history to mean escapee (逃人). Due to a series of economic policies implemented by the Ch’ing government, during the decades after the Manchus established their new dynasty (which replaced the Ming in 1644), numerous ukanju emerged, and these escapees have formed the basis for a large number of previous studies. Due to this focus on post-1644 ukanju, however, the term has typically been defined as “the slave escaping from the Manchu owner” or, even, “the Han Chinese slave escaping from the Manchu owner.” Nevertheless, whether these definitions can be applied to ukanju from the period before 1644 is highly uncertain. Moreover, the Manchu government claimed that one of the motivations for wars fought between the Manchu and Chosŏn in 1627 and 1636 was that the Chosŏn government was harboring numerous ukanju from Manchu territories and refusing to repatriate them. Thus, it is evident that the ukanju were extremely important to the Manchus, which prompts the following questions: Who were the ukanju? Why were the Manchus fixated on the ukanju? What role did the ukanju play during the period in which the Manchus conquered and replaced the Ming? Finally, how did the ukanju motivate the transition from a Ming- to a Ch’ing-centered political order in Northeast Asia? The present thesis is composed of two sections designed to answer these questions. The first section re-examines the composition and characteristics of the ukanju by analyzing both Manchu-language and Chosŏn government archives. The second section demonstrates the role the ukanju played during the seventeenth-century transition in Northeast Asian political order and gives the ukanju historical significance by analyzing Chosŏn government repatriation records. Based on a comparison of Manchu-language records and Chosŏn government archives, this thesis divides the ukanju into two groups: the upper class and the lower class. The upper class of the ukanju consisted of Manchu and Mongol aristocrats, as well as former Ming and Chosŏn military commanders. The lower class of the ukanju can be re-divided into three ethnic subgroups, that is, Warka, Han Chinese, and Korean ukanju. Obviously, not all of the ukanju were “Han Chinese slaves escaping from Manchu owners” but can be separated into groups of wide-ranging social classes and ethnicities. Hence, the Manchu words written on the front cover of Archives of the Escapees (逃人檔), that is, “the people who have escaped from other places or from our own regions (Ubašame ukame jihe, museingge ukame genehe),” most accurately defines the ideas of “immigration and group migration” integral to the ukanju, and also shows the relative flexibility with which the term ukanju was applied by the Manchus. Unlike the upper class of the ukanju, who directly affected wars fought between the Ming and the Manchus, the lower class of the ukanju became one of the focal points for fierce competition enacted among the Ming, the Manchus, and the Chosŏn. Therefore, this thesis focuses primarily on the lower ukanju class. The members of this lower class, that is, the Warka, Han Chinese, and Korean ukanju, each possess distinct origins and significances. The Warka ukanju, Jurchens who had originally lived on the coast of the Tumen river, had become the focus of repatriation conflicts as early as 1607, when Nurhachi was only one of the leaders of the Jurchen and still attempting to unify this group. When, in 1633, the Manchus requested that the Chosŏn repatriate the Warka ukanju for a second time, however, conditions had changed, and the goal of the second request was to prevent an alliance between the Chosŏn and the Ming by pressuring the Chosŏn government into unifying with the Manchus and Mongols. This goal is evident because the repatriation of the Warka ukanju was terminated after the Ming collapsed in 1644. Because the Han Chinese ukanju represented the economic and political base of the Liaodong Peninsula, they were the main concern of the Manchu government. A considerable number of Han Chinese ukanju flocked to the Korean peninsula after 1621, which led to a series of repatriation requests between the Manchus and the Chosŏn. However, repatriation requests for these Han Chinese escapees were also issued by Ming military commanders on Pi island (皮島). Accordingly, the repatriation of Han Chinese from the Liaodong Peninsula became a point of contention among the Manchus, Chosŏn, and the Ming. By requesting that the Chosŏn government repatriate the Warka and Han Chinese ukanju, the Manchus gradually but successfully undermined Ming-centered political order in Northeast Asia. Finally, the Korean ukanju were subjects of the Chosŏn, and the majority of these escapees emerged after wars fought between the Chosŏn and the Manchus in 1627 and 1636. The Chosŏn government found it impossible to repatriate any of its ukanju to the Manchus before 1637 for the following reasons: Han Chinese ukanju were subjects of the major superpower of the time, the Ming; Korean ukanju were subjects of the Chosŏn government and were struggling to escape from the Manchus; and Warka ukanju represented a group who had married Chosŏn women and lived within the Chosŏn borders for several generations. After 1637, the Chosŏn government began to repatriate many of the ukanju to the Manchus because of the Chosŏn alliance with the Manchus. At this time, the Han Chinese ukanju became the priority for repatriation, followed by the Warka and then the Korean ukanju. Because the Manchus hoped to isolate the Ming and introduce the Chosŏn government into their new Northeast Asian political order, while continually requesting that the Chosŏn repatriate their own ukanju, the Manchus also demonstrated “goodwill” toward the Chosŏn in 1638 by proactively repatriating ukanju who had escaped from the Chosŏn government into Manchu territory. Here, again, the primary characteristics of the ukanju, that is, “immigration and group migration,” are clear. Nevertheless, the Chosŏn government continued to harbor Korean ukanju fleeing from the Manchus until the An Chuwon Incident (安秋元事件) of 1666. Following the An Chuwon Incident, the Chosŏn government began to more earnestly repatriate the ukanju, and, in 1675, even considered An Dan (安端), a Korean ukanju, as “a subject of the Ch’ing.” Because the Revolt of the Three Feudatories and the rebellion of the Chahars also occurred in 1675, the repatriation of An Dan symbolizes the Chosŏn government’s acceptance of its place in the new Northeast Asian political order established by the Manchus in the seventeenth century. In conclusion, ukanju repatriation requests occurring between the Manchus and the Chosŏn government from 1607 to 1675 were a weapon used by the Manchu to develop their new Northeast Asian political order and can also be seen as an indicator of the progress of Northeast Asian political transition in the seventeenth century.
在 IR 系統中的文件，除了特別指名其著作權條款之外，均受到著作權保護，並且保留所有的權利。