New Tide Faction and Taiwan Democratization in 1980s
|關鍵字:||新潮流系;民主化;抗爭策略;New Tide Faction;Democratization;strategy||公開日期:||2016||摘要:||本文關注臺灣民主轉型時期，作為抗爭者的新潮流系如何研擬策略，透過論述生產、組織建立與群眾動員，從而影響政治改革的進程。在八Ｏ年代的抗爭者當中，新潮流系之殊異在於多面向的參與抗爭，並對抗爭路線持續自我批判。本文旨在說明其立場和論述內容，也試圖呈現當時的組織樣態和活動網絡。此外，本文從新式抗爭策略的角度理解八Ｏ年代的新潮流系，分析重點聚焦在策略的制定過程，釐清理念、情勢和方法的交互作用，藉以掌握新潮流系提出新抗爭策略的考量。 第二章梳理新潮流系的組織淵源、結構與運作。鑒於美麗島事件的挫敗，新潮流系提出「理念的累積」取代地方派系慣用的利益交換，以確保抗爭團體遭受鎮壓之後仍能持續抗爭。在組織和動員的過程，須確保成員對理念認知的齊一，此即新潮流系重視嚴謹紀律的原因。由於八Ｏ年代與其他抗爭團體的互動，使得新潮流系從非正式團體轉變為「組織化建制」的經營，甚至具備「列寧主義政黨」的特徵。 第三章聚焦黨外時期以降的路線論爭，從中可見新潮流系與其他抗爭者在策略制定的歧異，源於理念認知與情勢判讀。就民主理念而言，新潮流系要求組織層次的內部民主，此延續黨外時期的「反對公職掛帥」，進而成為民進黨時期派系競爭的重點。另一個層次則是將政治民主的內涵納入台獨主張，強調落實「國民主權」的台獨挑戰代表中國法統的黨國體制。 第四章則以勞工運動為例，說明新潮流系在社會運動領域的經營。由於新潮流系將情勢 判讀為對抗外來黨國體制，因而提出群眾路線的總體策略，一方面強調地方基層的耕耘，另方面整合政治運動與社會運動。此種作法既要在體制內持續發展議會問政，同時也要持續回應受壓迫的勞工、農民與環保等議題，使得社會運動在爭取權益改善的同時，也成為對抗黨國體制的一份子。 本文以新式抗爭策略的角度理解新潮流的組織和運作，說明行動者對情勢的不同解讀在與自身理念交互作用後，會產生出截然不同的抗爭策略，也藉此掌握新潮流系與其他抗爭者的論爭關鍵，以此說明抗爭者在不同時點轉入體制內發展的歷史意義。此外，新潮流系所發起的歷次論辯，使得抗爭者須對民主理念進行反省，而內容涵蓋組織內部、政治與社會等三個層次，也讓臺灣社會的民主理念獲得深化。總之，在歷史情境中理解決策過程，才能從中看到理念、利益和情感的交互作用，也才能看到行動者提出策略和修正策略的歷史意義。
This thesis focuses on the New Tide Faction (NTF) and its strategy to promote the Taiwanese transition to democracy in the 1980s. The NTF, composed of intellectuals of the postwar generation, participated in diverse protests against different topics where its self-reflection empowered people and extended its influence to the society. This thesis aims to elaborate its ideas and represent its active networking. To understand how its strategies of protests inspired the society in the 1980s, I analyze them from the perspective of the policy-making process to understand what was taken into account by the NTF when proposing a new strategy at that time. The structure and function of the NTF is introduced in the second chapter. The NTF highly valued ideas and disciplines of its members, which were the key to overcome the obstacle of being repressed. The emphasis on the accumulation of ideas was stressed further than the accumulated interests after the failure of the Kaohsiung Incident, which stimulated a passion of fighting for democracy after depressions. With the emphasis on ideas and disciplines, the NTF transformed from an informal group to a formal organization during the interaction with other activists, even possessing features of a ""Leninist party."" In the third chapter, I focus on the debates of protesters from the Tang-wai (黨外) Period to the DPP (民進黨) Period. The NTF was strengthened by their strategic planning and thinking. The main difference between the NTF and other activists was the interpretation of ideas and situation management. The NTF shaped and helped the growth of democracy, as they not only required ""internal democracy"" on the organizational level but also broadened the concept of ""political democracy."" The former succeeded from the idea of ""against the public in command (反對公職掛帥)"" of the Tang-wai Period. The ""political democracy,"" on the other hand, was achieved as the NTF emphasized Taiwan Independence (台獨) as the implementation of ""national sovereignty,"" which was the goal of democratic movements. In the fourth chapter, I take labor movements as a case analysis instance to illustrate the strategy of NTF in social movements. The NTF provided a ""Mass Route (群眾路線)"" as an overall strategy because they regarded the current situation as ""against foreign party state (外來黨國體制)."" Thus they emphasized local grassroots on the one hand, while they tried to integrate the political and social movements on the other hand. In other words, the NTF considered it necessary to continue the development of parliamentary politics and to respond to the demands of workers, farmers and other oppressed social minorities. With this strategy, the NTF tried to establish a ""united front"" – when social movements improved their own interests, they challenged the party state at the same time. From the perspective of strategic planning to understand the NTF in the 1980s, it is evident that the discrepancies of the interpretation of ideas and situations caused activists to form different strategies. Under strategic cope, we can understand those debates of protesters. The NTF initiated these debates and made progress in the respects of organizational, political, and social democracy in Taiwan. Moreover, we may examine the complex interaction of ideas, interests, and motivations by analyzing the strategies of the NTF and the decision-making process in a historical context. In this way, we can see not only the interaction of ideas, interests and emotions of every activist but also the historical meaning of putting forward and adjusting such strategies.
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