Quan-ti Da-yong: the Fundamental Structure of Zhu Xi’s Daoxue
|關鍵字:||朱子;道學;體用;全體大用;聖人之學;萬物一體;南宋思想史;Zhu Xi;Daoxue;ti-yong;Quan-ti Da-yong;the learning of sage;everything-is-one;the intellectual history of Southern-Song||公開日期:||2015||摘要:||無論從思想史的長期發展或朱子自身的思想體系觀之，「全體大用」一說皆具有特殊的意義，故本文試圖以「全體大用」概括朱子道學之基本形態，進而研議其構成與運作方式，以及此種思想形態在思想史上的位置。事實上，深入分析朱子道學之深層結構，亦即蠡探中國近世思想的基調，可謂現代化中國傳統思想的預備工作。關於研究方法，本文同時關注觀念本身的特質與觀念在特定歷史脈絡中的意涵，兼採觀念史與思想史的取徑。本研究旨在探討四個主要的課題：首先，朱子為何選擇體用建構其理想中的聖人之學？其二，朱子憑以建構其全體大用之學的體用思維具備何種特質？其三，本諸一己之心的全體大用之學究竟如何運作，其終極追求又是什麼？最後，朱子的全體大用之學在南宋思想史上佔有何種位置？以上四個課題分別代表著四種不同的視角，而共同助益於釐清朱子道學的基本構成方式。 根據筆者的研究，朱子的道學旨在回應二元觀世界在宋代的延續與轉化。所謂二元世界觀，意指將個人的心靈世界安頓於方外之學，而同時依循儒家的價值建立關乎群體的政教秩序。朱子則不能同意此種懸隔內外、本末的世界觀，試圖提出一種專屬於儒家的一元化的價值體系。有趣的是，二元觀世界在宋代的延續與轉化促使了本末、內外與體用觀念的流行，這些語言觀念也成為朱子理解與應對其時代困境的思想資源。在朱子的認識裡，聖人之學理應具備高度的入世精神，並兼顧天人雙方面的觀點。安頓己心固然是為學求道之本，但若以治平天下為末，則未合於儒家的根本精神。基於天人一理的宇宙觀，天理實無內外可言，內外乃專為認知主體所設。也就是說，內外只能言人而不宜言天。因此，即便朱子曾以本末、內外論學，始終不願假此建構其理想中的聖人之學。通過分析朱子對於忠恕的詮釋，筆者發現惟有體用得以兼顧天人雙方面的觀點。就天理而言，忠恕其實指涉理一與分殊，朱子又以體用理解忠恕，可見其確為天理之構成方式；就認知主體而言，忠者盡己，恕者及人，分別是安頓個人與對待人群的道理，但二者又只是一理之體用，出自同一個價值體系。也就是說，朱子不僅通過體用理解理一分殊的宇宙觀，同時藉以說明安頓己心與應對群體的道理，將人生的兩大主要範疇收編於儒家的價值系統，從而對抗中古時期以來的二元世界觀。 朱子的全體大用之學可謂一種通過體用思維建構的聖人之學，故體用思維的基本特質將深刻影響其運作方式。然而，體用並非自始便是一種思維方式，本文試圖指出，體用作為一組特定的觀念，很可能誕生於魏晉玄學中環繞著形神問題的論爭。在隋唐時期，方外之學又大量運用體用觀念發明其宇宙觀，體用幾乎成為一組專用於討論本體問題的語言觀念。降及宋代，體用的用例方漸趨多元，終而在朱子的思想中形成一種成熟的思維方式。必須說明的是，作為思維方式的體用，並不能等同於理氣，理氣乃朱子宇宙觀的根本基礎。這是當代學界常見的一種誤解。在釐清體用的基本性質以後，筆者進一步發現，身體及其功用的關係即朱子理解體用的原始模型。若體用意味著形體或身體及其功用的關係，體用自然不可須臾而離，一切功用之實踐皆有賴健全之形體或身體。而「體用不離」與「立體達用」作為體用思維之兩項主要特質，均以此為義理基礎。 由於朱子的全體大用之學不可離心而言，其亦可理解為一種心學。通過重新詮釋「未發已發」和「心統性情」，朱子提出了「心有體用」的心學結構，亦即全體大用之學的核心內涵。對於朱子而言，心體之理想形態應與道體相契無間，性體即道體稟賦於人心者也。惟道體本諸天地自然的整體觀點，性體則專言個體所稟賦的天理。至於心體與性體，兩者皆立基於個體的視角，其分別主要在於氣化與否，氣化之心體方能主宰、發動與修練。朱子之道學既志在修練成聖，自然應為一種心學。同時，作為心學的全體大用之學，其實是一種學聖人之學，惟聖人所至即是，不必以體用言。為求成聖法天，朱子認為修練工夫必兼該人心之體用、動靜，方能達致心體之理想境界，以為天地間一切事物皆為一體，從而痌瘝在抱地理會眾生萬物。一般論萬物一體之思想，或逕言其氣類相通，或偏言眾物所公共之天理，朱子則主張兼言理氣，須確證條貫於氣類之間的理則，萬物方能一氣同體。或許可以說，由於己心之本體便是天地之本體，發明己心之本體便得與天地萬物為一體，而萬物一體乃發明本體之果效。此種結構其實便是體用，恰恰與朱子心學的構成方式桴鼓相應，可見朱子道學的修練工夫與終極追求均不可離體用而言。 最後，本文希望藉由比較朱子與同時代學者的異同，進一步釐清全體大用之學的特質，乃至其於南宋思想史上的相對位置。在道學陣營中，南軒與東萊的道學皆曾以體用言心，又具備天理化的世界觀，大抵符合全體大用之學的標準。象山則鮮以體用論學，其世界觀亦與朱子不盡相同。儘管象山之學與體用觀念具有親和性，終究不同於朱子的全體大用之學。在浙東學者之中，龍川早年曾有一番出入道學的體驗，深知體用即道學的基本結構。但在龍川與道學分道揚鑣以後，便無意探究本體方面的問題，甚而屢次以此批判道學。較之於龍川，水心對於朱子的批評則更具系統性。水心質疑朱子以體用和理一分殊理解《論語．子曰參乎章》所謂的忠恕和「一貫之道」，根本地否定了全體大用之學的義理基礎。同時，水心又不滿於道學傳統中「內外兩忘」的說法，轉而提倡「內外兩進」，可謂吸收了道學的問題意識與思想形態並予以轉化。雖然朱子的全體大用之學備受浙東學者批評，其依舊成為道學內部最具優勢的思想形態，勉齋、北溪與西山等人皆顯著地繼承了朱子的全體大用之學，而且各有發揮。勉齋對於體用與理氣的關係頗有發明，北溪則尤其關注「心有體用」的結構，其於「萬物一體」的理解卻不盡同於朱子。至於西山在《大學衍義》與相關文獻中呈現的全體大用之學，政治性尤其鮮明，而能呼應朱子提出全體大用之學的原始背景。綜而言之，無論接受或者反對，朱子的全體大用之學確實是一種廣為南宋學者關注的思想形態。
Quan-ti Da-yong 全體大用, proposed by Zhu Xi 朱熹 in his annotations of the Great Learning, is an important idea to both Zhu Xi’s own system of Daoxue 道學 and historians’ understanding of early modern Chinese intellectual history. The main contention of this thesis is that Quan-ti Da-yong is the fundamental structure of Zhu Xi’s Daoxue, arguing that ti-yong 體用 is a momentous way in which Zhu Xi interpreted the Dao, cultivating himself and improving the society. Meanwhile, this thesis will venture that scrutinizing Zhu Xi’s Quan-ti Da-yong is of vital importance to our understanding of the intellectual foundations of early modern China. In order to fully appreciate Zhu Xi’s learning of Quan-ti Da-yong, this study will not be confined to specific methodological claims; it will rely on a sort of idea analysis which takes both the examination on unit-ideas of the history of ideas and the emphasis on the historical contexts of historical agents into account. This thesis consists of four parts that respectively deals with four independent yet closely related issues: First, why did Zhu Xi choose ti-yong as the way to constitute the idealistic learning of sage? Second, what was the characteristic of the mode of thinking of ti-yong through which Zhu Xi constituted the learning of Quan-ti Da-yong? Thirdly, how did the learning of Quan-ti Da-yong work in one’s mind-and-heart 心, as well as what was its ultimate goal? The fourth part of this thesis goes beyond Zhu Xi, comparing the fundamental structure of Zhu Xi’s thoughts with that of his contemporary thinkers in order to determine the position of Zhu Xi’s learning of Quan-ti Da-yong in the intellectual history of Southern-Song China. In the first part, this study indicates that Zhu Xi’s learning of Quan-ti Da-yong was a learning tending to solve the problems to which the dualistic worldview originated in the middle ages gave rise. The dualistic worldview means that one may settle down his interior world by Taoism and Buddhism on the one hand, while simultaneously establishing the socio-political order, the order of outer world, according to the teachings of Confucianism on the other. It was incomprehensible for Zhu Xi that one could, at the same time, lead a Taoist-Buddhist and Confucian life; therefore, Zhu Xi tried to conceive a monistic system of value or worldview exclusively belonged to Confucianism. The learning of Quan-ti Da-yong provided the solution to this problem in the sense that ti-yong is compatible with both the viewpoints of the heaven and the human, an argument that could be found in Zhu Xi’s interpretation of sincerity 忠 and empathy 恕. It was due to this characteristic of ti-yong that turned Zhu Xi to employing it in constituting his ideal learning of sage, instead of other prevailing ideas in Song China resulted from the continuation, transformation, and even opposition of the dualistic worldview, such as nei-wai 內外 and ben-mo 本末. The second part of the thesis investigates the process of ti-yong’s development into a mode of thinking, as well as its characteristic. Ti- yong, as a specific idea, came into being during the metaphysical debate, the debate of body and spirit 形神之爭, in Neo-Taoism 玄學. It then became the prevailing idea in the Sui-Tang period due to the preference for metaphysics of Taoism and Buddhism; that is to say, ti-yong had been an idea exclusively dealing with metaphysics since medieval China. However, in the age of Song, the nature of ti-yong gradually changed, when the term was employed by scholars to express or realize the relations of various things. In other words, ti-yong was on its way toward becoming a mode of thinking in terms of its meaning as the way in which things were conceived by scholars. This development of ti-yong as a mode of thinking is prominent in the case of Zhu Xi. Ti-yong has been a mature and critical mode of thinking through which Zhu Xi constituted the learning of sage, the learning of Quan-ti Da-yong. It is important to note that although Zhu Xi sometimes used ti-yong to articulate the fundamental structure of Dao, ti-yong should not be construed as the synonym of li-qi 理氣, the elementary composition of the world, as many scholars have suggested. This thesis also argues that the relation of body to its functions is the original model that constituted Zhu Xi’s understanding of ti-yong. This will lead to two main characteristics of Zhu Xi’s mode of thinking of ti-yong: First, ti and yong are inseparable; second, ti is the premise of yong. To some extent, the learning of Quan-ti Da-yong could be regarded as a learning of mind-and-heart 心學 because of its great emphasis upon the cultivation of the mind-and-heart. The third part of this study argues that Zhu Xi’s learning of Quan-ti Da-yong entailed a structure of mind-with-ti-yong 心有體用, whilst pursuing an ultimate state of consciousness called everything-is-one. Having recourse on repeated meditation on the problem of zhong he 中和 and the delicate reinterpretation of the key idea “mind-and-heart governs xing and qing 心統性情” proposed by Zhang Zai 張載, Zhu Xi finally established the structure of mind-with-ti-yong, the core of his learning of Quan-ti Da-yong. This structure signifies that the operation of mind-and-heart, for instance, self-cultivation, should be accorded with the mode of ti-yong. However, for Zhu Xi, it was necessary to stress that ti-yong, as a mode of self-cultivating, is arranged for ordinary people, for sages are born to be perfect and , therefore, there would be no need for them to cultivate themselves. In spite of the differences between ordinary people and sages, ordinary people can still, by illuminating their own mind-and-heart, reach the ultimate state of consciousness, everything-is-one, as same as the sages born to be. The last part of this thesis turns to a viewpoint of comparative analysis devoting to discuss the position of Zhu Xi’s learning of Quan-ti Da-yong in the intellectual history of Southern-Song. By closely investigating the fundamental structures of the thoughts of the members of the community of Daoxue, this part of the thesis aims at exploring the nuances between Zhang Shi 張栻, Lu Zu-qian 呂祖謙 and Zhu Xi. This part will then go on to argue that, amongst the members of the community, it seems that only Lu Jiu-yuan 陸九淵 refused to embrace the learning of Quan-ti Da-yong, although the disciples of Lu Jiu-yuan gradually adopted the word of ti-yong. In spite of these unnoticeable nuances, Zhedong 浙東 scholars, the rivals of Zhu Xi’s scholarship, still considered ti-yong as a main character of Daoxue. For instance, Chen Liang 陳亮 had ever been convinced by Daoxue in his early days, knowing the importance of ti-yong to Daoxue. But after converging to an utilitarian Confucianism, he vehemently repudiated Daoxue’s inclination for searching the essence of the world. Similar with Chen Liang, Ye Shi 葉適 was skeptical about the idea of ti-yong. Furthermore, Ye Shi disagreed with Zhu Xi’s interpretation of sincerity and empathy, the foundation of the learning of Quan-ti Da-yong. It is worth noting that, despite his unsatisfaction with Zhu Xi’s learning, Ye Shi paid the same attention to the question of nei-wai, a question inquires how one deal with his own spiritual world and outer socio-political world. In fact, Ye Shi even revised Daoxue’s insight into that question, proposing his own opinion that entailed active actions in the realm both of nei and wai. Last but not least, this thesis argues that the learning of Quan-ti Da-yong was widely accepted by the successors of Zhu Xi’s scholarship, such as Huang Han 黃榦, Chen Chun 陳淳, Chen Te-xiu 真德秀. Despite the fact that their learnings of Quan-ti Da-yong were of some differences from the original model of Zhu Xi, it is still evident that Quan-ti Da-yong was a predominant idea in the tradition of Daoxue in Southern-Song China.
在 IR 系統中的文件，除了特別指名其著作權條款之外，均受到著作權保護，並且保留所有的權利。