洪鎌德臺灣大學：國家發展研究所廖育信Liao, Yu-HsinYu-HsinLiao2007-11-272018-06-282007-11-272018-06-282007http://ntur.lib.ntu.edu.tw//handle/246246/57035本研究探討在全球化之下影響台灣國家認同的內部與外部因素。首先，本研究選定研究方法與研究途徑，並規劃研究流程與研究架構。接著分別針對全球化、國家認同、政治經濟學與經濟發展理論的相關文獻進行檢閱，尋找全球化與國家認同之類型與實務與學界所持的態度。本研究發現全球化受到網際網路與資訊經濟的影響，也是在政治經濟學的架構下運作，而國家認同包含文化認同、政治認同等議題。第三章以後，本研究依循歷史脈絡探討台灣國家認同的起源與發展。在日本統治時期，台灣意識與台灣意識、台灣認同成形，然而國民黨接收台灣之後在經濟上的過度汲取導致二二八事件，加之後來的白色恐怖與漫長的戒嚴，在文化上強力灌輸大中華文化。國民政府遷都台北之後在經濟上的成就與在思想上的箝制呈現不協調的對比。台灣被逐出聯合國之後經歷外交挫敗，本土化論述與政治改革的要求在威權體制鬆動前後搬上檯面。在解除戒嚴之後，台灣與中國的交往常態化。東歐的民主化與舊蘇聯崩解與全球化同時出現，同時台灣也積極進行民主化與脫去臨時體制，並重選國大代表與立法委員。此時台灣雖主張「一個中國」政策，但放棄與中國爭奪「中國代表權」。在教育政策上則提升鄉土教育的地位，但在政治上由於選民對未來觀望與懼怕中國武力威脅，逐漸傾向維持現狀。台灣的國家認同有其特殊性，包含「一個中國」之模糊不清，加上台灣欠缺國家定位清楚的憲法，國際承認亦嫌不足。近年台灣住民愈來愈多認為自己是台灣人，也是中國人。台灣與中國的事務性協商與經貿交往扭轉在經貿上側重美國與日本，轉而依賴中國市場。台灣雖然服膺國際的資本與技術流向，然而多數國家卻漠視台灣的主權國家之地位，也排除台灣參與多數國際活動。隨著台灣對中國經貿的依賴，和國際局勢的轉向，台商與中共的互動與部分立場偏頗的媒體使得民進黨的少數政府難以凝聚國家正常化的共識。中國在國際組織與經濟活動中一面吸取台灣的資金，另一方面進行政治的排除，意圖使台灣屈服於「一個中國、一國兩制」的框架，以港澳模式被併入中國。然而台灣與歐盟、日本保持良好的非官方關係與經貿互動，加上台灣在世界貿易組織架構之下，台灣與中國能保持若干距離。雖然台灣已經民主化與經歷全球化過程，然而台灣模糊的國家認同與國家定位依然使台灣的國家走向成為未定之數。 本研究發現全球化與國家認同皆非單一之概念，係包含多個面向。全球化的登場不但標誌美蘇冷戰的終結，還藉由國際組織數量與功能的增加挑戰國家的職能。政府雖然能型塑人民的國家認同，並且能控管人們擷取資訊，但以台灣來說，由於朝野政黨之對立，和住民本身對身份認同、憲政制度、正名之看法不一，使得台灣在全球化下一面受到中共意識形態的影響，另一面也難以形成一致的國家認同。 在政策上，政府應當更注重本土化的教育和保存地方語言，制訂適合台灣的憲法，尋求在國際分工的定位與優勢，經由網路與活動拓展台灣住民的國際視野，以迎接全球化加速的趨勢。This doctoral dissertation deals with the impact of globalization on the problem of the national identity of Taiwan. Firstly, the treatise discusses the approach and research method in application. Secondly, it draws up research procedure and framework. Thirdly, it reviews the relevant literatures on globalization, national identity and history and politics of Taiwan and finally her political economy. The prevailing of knowledge and information economy as well as the dominant role of network have tremendous effect on the new phenomenon of globalization. As the matter of facts, globalization has different features and sectors, like economical globalization, cultural globalization, political globalization, etc. National identity comprises political, ethnical and cultural identity. The vagueness of the concepts of “One China” principle tends to obscure and to confuse Taiwanese‘s national identity, to the extent that some of the Taiwanese may consider themselves both Taiwanese (“Taiwan Zen”) and Chinese (“Zhong Guo Zen”). Thus the problematic of “One China” is highlighted at the beginning. The following chapters analyze the formation and expand of national identity before and during Japan’s occupation of the island. The Japanese colonial government established the basic public facility, and tolerated the left-wing and pro-independent thought. However, the opening of World-War Two led Japan to develop Taiwan as a base for southbound invasion. As the World War Two approached to its end, the Kuomintang (KMT) army which was defeated by Chinese Communist Party (CCP) came to occupy Taiwan as its new colonial territory. Chiang Kai-shek authoritarian dirigisme and the seizure of the island’s economic resources, Taiwanese tolerance was tired and broken, thus it occurred the uprising on and after 28, February 1947. It was the time when civil war was rampant in the mainland China. However, under enlightened and liberal ruling of the Japanese colonial governor, Taiwanese consciousness for independence and democratization was matured and awakened in the 1920s immediately after the foundation of the Taiwanese Cultural Society (Taiwan Bunka Shakai) in 1921. The incident and it following “white terror” caused the Taiwanese living in the shadow of so-called 28th February massacre, pacification, and long-time martial law and period of mobilization for the suppression of Communist rebellion (動員戡亂時期), and the KMT regime forces the Taiwanese to use mandarin as the only official language and inculcated the people to accept the ideology of brutal and ruthless suppression and thought control of “Great Chinese”. The national identity of the Taiwanese has been fully representation of the so called “Republic of China (ROC)” shaped and superimposed by the KMT government. However, when the represents expelled from the United Nation (UN), the myth of “Taiwan equals to ROC” and “ROC equals to whole China” was broken to pieces. Yet the recurrent KMT regime still defended desperately it legitimacy of the heir to Sun Yat-sen’s political heritage. Finally, the former president Lee Teng-hui has admitted the KMT-clique as a “exotic regime”, and adopted the pathway to localization. As the former Soviet collapsed and the East-European countries democratized, globalization was appeared on the stage. In the meantime, Taiwan abolished the martial law and lifted the ban of shipping and traveling to Mainland China, However, the CCP chose to depress the democracy. Under the contact of the semi-official organizations between the strait, there were gigantic growth in trade and investment from Taiwan to China, however most of them had to go through the third country. The “temporary system” was ended when re-elections on both congress and national assembly was hold in the early 1990s, and the presidential election from all citizens was hold in 1996, Taiwan’s national identity was shifted from pro-independent/ pro-unify to keep status quo, from “Taiwanese” or “Chinese” to “a Taiwanese, and a Chinese”. At that period of time, Taiwan still proclaimed “one China” policy, but Taiwan abolished to struggle the representation for China. Taiwan’s government had promoted the status of education, but as the voters wait and see the future, and afraid of military threat, most of the voters choose to maintain the present situation. When Democratic Progressive Party and the Chen Sui-bian won the presidential election in the 2000 and 2004, the relationship between Taiwan and China moved to a new stage. The numbers and functions of international organizations are both increased under globalization, and may lessen or condition the function of the State Apparatus. China is now experiencing elemental economic growth, both in growth rate and in scale. Although Taiwan follows international capital and technology flow, and has significant ability of trading and investment, most of countries brush Taiwan aside as a sovereign state and exclude Taiwan to participate most of the international activities. As Taiwan relies on China in economic activities and trading, changes in the international situations, interaction between Taison and China and some media with biased viewpoints, the Democratic Progressive Party could merely agglomerate common consensus of making Taiwan as a normal country. China absorbs the fund of Taiwan in the one hand, and excludes in the political sphere in the other hand in the international organizations and economic activities. China’s leaders are intending to submit Taiwan to “one China, two systems” and merged into China as the mode of Hong Kong and Macao. Taiwan can keeps non-official relationships and economic and trading interactions with European Union and Japan, and Taiwan is under the framework of the World Trade Organization, been cared by America, Taiwan can keep distance with China. Even Taiwan has been democratized and experiencing globalization, the vagueness on national identity still makes the pathway of the future Taiwan unknown. Not at the least, this treatise finds that both globalization and national identity are not simple concepts and contain many dimensions. The appearing of globalization marks the end of the cold-war and challenges the function of the states during augmenting of features and quantity of international organizations. Indeed, governors can shape the national identity of the people and control them to utilize information, but for the case of Taiwan, the hybridity of ethnics, cultural identity, and disagreements with constitutional institutions and name of the state, led Taiwan merely to gather agreement on national identity, especially under globalization and difficult situation in international recognition. Governors in Taiwan should pay more attention on local education and reserve mother languages. Taiwan should have a suitable constitution, and seek for appropriate location and advantage in the international division of labor, via network and activities expanding Taiwanese’s eyesight on global, to greet with the trend of speeding up of globalization.第一章 緒論………………………………………………………………………1 第一節 研究動機與研究目的………………………………………………1 第二節 研究假設與研究命題………………………………………………3 第三節 研究方法與研究途徑………………………………………………4 第四節 研究架構與研究流程………………………………………………6 第二章 文獻回顧……………………………………………………………… 11 第一節 全球化相關文獻回顧…………………………………………… 11 第二節 國家認同相關文獻回顧………………………………………… 32 第三節 政治經濟學與發展理論………………………………………… 40 第四節 台灣國家認同諸問題相關文獻………………………………… 54 第三章 台灣國家認同的形成與發展………………………………………… 65 第一節 台灣國家認同的起源…………………………………………… 67 第二節 二二八事件及白色恐怖對國家認同的衝擊…………………… 82 第三節 反對運動與意識形態的禁錮…………………………………… 90 第四章 全球化的開展與台灣國家認同的轉變………………………………105 第一節 「蘇東坡變天」與世界新局勢的開展…………………………105 第二節 台灣的民主化和世界重新接軌…………………………………112 第三節 全球化台海兩岸關係與統獨論述的消長………………………124 第四節 全球化下台灣國家認同轉變的要素……………………………136 第五章 全球化的內外部效果和台灣國家認同的走向………………………145 第一節 全球化下區域安全、經貿與國家主權的關係…………………145 第二節 台灣國家認同內部影響的因素…………………………………163 第三節 台灣國家認同外部影響的因素…………………………………185 第四節 未來影響台灣政經結構與國家認同的可能因素………………211 第五節 台灣國家認同的走向：一個預測………………………………229 第六章 結論……………………………………………………………………245 第一節 研究成果…………………………………………………………245 第二節 政策建言…………………………………………………………247 參考文獻…………………………………………………………………………249 圖 目 錄 圖1.1 研究流程圖……………………………………………………………………8 圖1.2 研究架構圖……………………………………………………………………9 圖2.1 全球化與政社、經文、資訊相互鏈結示意圖 ……………………………24 圖2.2 全球化、國家認同、政經發展、網際網路等議題之糾結性………………54 圖2.3 從中國的觀點對「一個中國」論述的邏輯推移……………………………59 圖3.1 台灣與中國兩地住民對日本的態度示意圖 ………………………………98 圖4.1 全球化過程對台灣的衝擊示意圖…………………………………………112 圖4.2 解嚴前後國中歷史教科書內容所呈現的國家認同比較圖………………138 圖5.1 台灣住民對兩岸直接通航之意見…………………………………………191 圖5.2 中國與台灣政經互動及對台灣的衝擊……………………………………194 圖5.3 外交使兩岸局勢不安贊否維持發展外交之調查…………………………205 圖5.4 民眾對兩岸關係與外交關係孰重之看法…………………………………206 圖5.5 中國與台灣局勢消長之累積循環因果……………………………………207 圖5.6 正常國家之合法政府制憲過程……………………………………………225 圖5.7 台灣住民統獨立場之演變趨勢……………………………………………231 圖5.8 以中國為中心的台灣認同…………………………………………………240 圖5.9 建構中的台灣認同…………………………………………………………240 表 目 錄 表2.1全球化之界定：三個流派 …………………………………………………25 表2.2 學者對全球化的認知 ………………………………………………………32 表2.3 政治學和經濟學的一種概括表 ……………………………………………42 表2.4 「一個中國」各種界說整理 ………………………………………………58 表4.1 兩岸住民旅遊往來人數表（1987-2006）…………………………………120 表4.2 台灣歷代各時期的特質之一覽表…………………………………………128 表4.3 兩岸大事與重要政策（1949-1998）…………………………………134-135 表5.1 四種國際關係理論之比較…………………………………………………150 表5.2 中華民國各種時期的「適當」稱謂………………………………………174 表5.3 兩岸貿易佔雙方外貿相對比重之比較（1984-2006）……………………192 表5.4 台商政治角色的類型………………………………………………………194 表5.5 台灣與中國未來可能的走向…………………………………………241-2421684141 bytesapplication/pdfen-US國家認同全球化「一個中國」原則網際網路世界貿易組織二二八事件媒體日本美國台商National identityglobalization“one China” principleinternetWorld Trade Organization (WTO)28th February incidentmediaJapanU.S.A.Taison[SDGs]SDG8[SDGs]SDG16thesishttp://ntur.lib.ntu.edu.tw/bitstream/246246/57035/1/ntu-96-D89341004-1.pdf