指導教授：宋麗梅臺灣大學：語言學研究所張盛傑Chang, Sheng-chiehSheng-chiehChang2014-11-302018-06-282014-11-302018-06-282014http://ntur.lib.ntu.edu.tw//handle/246246/263996本論文為一探索性之研究，旨在對卡那卡那富語中基本量詞的構詞句法及語意性質做一完整描述。本研究主要依據Keenan (2012)來對量詞進行分類。Keenan根據量詞本身的語意，提出三個基本的量詞類別：存在量詞(existential quantifiers)、全稱量詞(universal quantifiers)及比例量詞(proportionality quantifiers)。然而，本研究暫時只將焦點放在存在量詞與全稱量詞上。除了語意的分類之外，Keenan又根據量詞的句法特性，在三個類別之下個別區分D-量詞與A-量詞；此句法的區分係根據Partee (1995)。值得注意的是，Keenan係以英文量詞作為分析之對象。在英文中，D-量詞句法上位於DP層次，並語意上修飾名詞；而A量詞句法上在DP層次之外，並語意上修飾事件。然而，我們在卡那卡那富語中發現部分量詞句法上在DP層次之外，但語意上卻修飾名詞。為了避免混淆，我們將主要使用另外兩詞來對卡那卡那富語之量詞做分類，即（語意上）修飾名詞之量詞及（語意上）修飾事件之量詞。關於全稱量詞，我們也會特別討論其所展現出的分配性(distributivity)。我們主要根據Choe (1987)、Gil (1995)及Balusu and Jayaseelan (2013)對全稱量詞的分配性進行分析。 　　我們將所觀察到的所有量詞粗略分為兩大類，即單純量詞(simplex quantifiers)及合成量詞(composite quantifiers)。根據我們的定義，單純量詞係純粹以單一語彙或是單一語彙的重疊形式呈現出來的量詞，而合成量詞則係由量詞詞根加上一系列功能性及詞彙性前綴衍生而成的量詞。關於單純存在、修飾名詞之量詞，卡那卡那富語包含了一套完整的數字及數量量詞系統，在句法上都可以做為名詞修飾語以及謂語。關於單純全稱、修飾名詞之量詞，卡那卡那富語有一集合性的kavangvang「全部」及分配性的RED-Numerals「每（數字）」。至於單純（存在及全稱）、修飾情況之量詞，卡那卡那富語使用謂語以及二否定詞來表達「總是」、「經常」、「有時候」、「從不」等等概念。 　　在所有的單純量詞中，只有非重疊之數字、重疊之數字、數量量詞以及kavangvang「全部」具有相對應的黏著形式，可以形成合成量詞。所有的合成、修飾名詞之量詞在句法上幾乎均為動詞，其內部的量詞詞根會受到動詞所需論元數的影響，修飾句中不同的論元。特別值得一提的是，在合成全稱、量詞中，由重疊之數字所衍生而來的合成量詞具有分配性。它們受到動詞所需不同論元數的影響，展現出不同的分配語意。另一方面，由kavangvang「全部」衍生而來的合成量詞則具有集合性。最後，合成、修飾情況之量詞均為動詞，主要表達「做某事（數字）次」的概念。As an exploratory study, the current thesis aims to provide a descriptive account of the morphosyntactic and semantic properties of fundamental Kanakanavu quantifiers. We pay special attention to existential and universal D-/A-quantifiers, primarily based on the syntactic D-/A- distinction by Partee (1995) and the semantic classification by Keenan (2012). Nevertheless, to avoid confusion about the syntactic and semantic properties of the quantifiers, we will also mainly employ two terms to classify quantifiers: quantifiers (semantically) associated with nominals and quantifiers (semantically) associated with situations/events. In discussing universal quantifiers, we will discuss distributivity displayed by them based on the account of Choe (1987), Gil (1995), and Balusu and Jayaseelan (2013) as well. All the quantifiers observed are broadly divided into two types: simplex and composite quantifiers. Simplex quantifiers are realized as single or reduplicated lexical items, whereas composite quantifiers are quantifier roots combined with functional or lexical prefixes. For simplex existential quantifiers associated with nominals, Kanakanavu has a complete system of numeral and cardinal quantifiers, which can serve as either nominal modifiers or predicates. For simple universal quantifiers associated nominals, Kanakanavu has a collective kavangvang ‘all’ and a distributive RED-Numeral ‘every NUM’. Simplex quantifiers associated with situations/events are represented by predicates and negators to express ‘always’, ‘often’, ‘sometimes’, ‘never’, etc. Among all the simplex quantifiers, only non-reduplicated and reduplicated numerals, cardinal quantifiers, and kavangvang ‘all’ have bound roots to form composite quantifiers. Composite quantifiers associated with nominals are mostly verbal, with their quantifier roots selecting different arguments with the change of verb valence. Among composite universal quantifiers, those derived from reduplicated numerals are distributive and display various distributive key readings, whereas those derived from kavangvang ‘all’ are collective. Composite quantifiers associated with situations/events are verbal as well, expressing the concept ‘to do something NUM times’.ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS i ABSTRACT (English) ii ABSTRACT (Chinese) iv TABLE OF CONTENTS v LIST OF TABLES vii LIST OF ABBREVIATONS viii 1 INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 General Introduction 1 2 KANAKANAVU: THE LANGUAGE AND ITS BASIC MORPHOSYNTAX 4 2.1 General Background 4 2.2 The Voice System 5 2.2.1 The Voice System of Indicative Mood 5 2.2.2 The Voice System of Imperative Mood 7 2.3 The Word Order, Case Markers sua, na, and Topicalizer ia 8 2.4 Pronominal System 11 2.5 Noun Phrases (NPs): Case-marking, (In)definiteness, and Plurality 14 2.6 Negation 18 2.7 Tense and aspect 19 2.7.1 Perfective 19 2.7.2 Imperfective 20 2.7.3 Irrealis 20 2.7.4 Progressive 21 2.7.5 Change of State 22 2.7.6 Continuity 22 2.8 Causative Constructions 23 2.9 Pseudo-cleft Constructions and Relative Clauses 24 3 LITERATURE REVIEW 26 3.1 Introduction 26 3.2 Partee (1995): Proposal of D- and A-quantifiers 26 3.3 Keenan (2012): (Generalized) Quantifiers 28 3.3.1 Generalized Quantifiers 28 3.3.2 Three Basic Semantic Types by Keenan (2012) 29 3.4 Universal Quantifiers and Distributivity 33 3.4.1 Sources of Distributivity 33 3.4.2 Distributive Key and Distributive Share 35 4 SIMPLEX EXISTENTIAL AND UNIVERSAL QUANTIFIERS 40 4.1 Chapter Overview 40 4.2 Existential Quantifiers Associated with Nominals 40 4.2.1 Numerals 41 4.2.1.1 The Morphology of Numerals 42 4.2.1.2 The Syntax and Semantics of Numerals 45 4.2.2 Cardinal Quantifiers 54 4.2.2.1 The Inventory of Cardinal Quantifiers 54 4.2.2.2 The Syntax and Semantics of Cardinal Quantifiers 55 4.3 Universal Quantifiers Associated with Nominals 60 4.3.1 Collective kavangvang ‘All’ 61 4.3.2 Distributive RED-Numerals ‘Every NUM’ 65 4.4 Quantifiers Associated with Situations/Events 71 4.5 Summary 75 5 COMPOSITE EXISTENTIAL AND UNIVERSAL QUANTIFIERS 77 5.1 Chapter Overview 77 5.2 Deriving Composite Quantifiers 77 5.2.1 Simplex Quantifiers as Morphological Roots 78 5.2.2 Prefixes Involved in Deriving Composite Quantifiers 79 5.3 Existential Quantifiers 83 5.3.1 mati-Numerals as Ordinal Quantifiers 83 5.3.2 V-Numerals 84 5.3.3 V-Cardinals 92 5.4 Universal Quantifiers 96 5.4.1 V-RED-Numerals 96 5.4.2 V-vangvang Composites 105 5.5 Summary 109 6 CONCLUSION AND FUTURE DIRECTIONS 111 6.1 Conclusion 111 6.2 Future Directions 113 References 1151549156 bytesapplication/pdf論文使用權限：同意有償授權(權利金給回饋學校)單純量詞合成量詞存在量詞全稱量詞D-/A-量詞（語意上）修飾名詞之量詞（語意上）修飾事件之量詞分配性thesishttp://ntur.lib.ntu.edu.tw/bitstream/246246/263996/1/ntu-103-R00142007-1.pdf