Professor, Department of Political Science, National Taiwan University臺灣大學政治系教授蘇宏達2017-09-082018-06-282017-09-082018-06-282010-12http://ntur.lib.ntu.edu.tw//handle/246246/281647During the first twelve years after entry into effect of Rome Treaties in 1958, the then European Communities succeeded in establishing their first common policies, completing the customs union, and unifying administrative bodies. At the same time however, European leaders failed to constitute a political union, enlarge the Communities to the United Kingdom and establish the majority vote in the Council of Ministers. All scholars agree that European integration of this period was heavily influenced by the French President, De Gaulle’s European policy, which was ingeneral explained with reference to the classical realism, De Gaulle based its European policy upon French raison d’Etat and would like to have restructured the European Communities into a unified political entity under French leadership. This classical realist interpretation was later challenged by several integration theories which emerged since the mid 1980s. Liberal intergovernmentalism put into doubt the assumption that state leaders alone decided and formulated national interests. Neofunctionalism and institutionalism both criticized realism for underestimating the importance of supranational institutions and their leaders in the European integration. The author therefore aims to reevaluate the classical realist interpretation of European integration between 1958 and 1969 and examine the abovementioned criticism against this interpretation before drawing into some conclusions. According to the author’s findings, classical realism still prevails over the intergovernmentalism, neofunctionalism and institutionalism in the explanation of successes and frustrations of European integration between 1958-1969, though it should have paid more attention to the power of perception as required by sociological institutionalism and constructivism.一九五八?至一九?九?是歐洲統合史上一個重要的時期，?但建構?第一個共同政策和市場，順?完成關稅同盟和?政機關統一，?個會員國也簽署「?森堡妥協」建?新的運作模式。所有學者都同意，在這十二?中，法國總統戴高?實際主導?整個歐洲統合的發展，而德法合作是歐洲統合基石。一九八○?代中期以前，歐美史學與政治學者多?都傾向採用古典現實主義?詮釋這段史實，視歐洲統合為法國與西德相互競合的結果，?變的通則是：法德合作則成，?合作則敗。因此，這段期間的歐洲統合完全受制於法國總統戴高?和西德總?艾德?以及繼任者艾哈德間的互動。惟一九八○?代以?，古典現實主義受到其它統合??的強?質疑：自由政府間主義強調「國家?益係在國內各?益團體競逐中形成」以及「在國際談判中政府?過是國內各?益團體代言人」，否定國家?袖是界定國家?益的主導??；新功能主義和?性制?主義則突出「超國家機關」和「超國家機關?袖」在統合中的角色；社會學制?主義和建構主義則批判古典現實主義忽??「價值」、「準則」、「認同」等在歐洲統合所發揮的??。作者因此將檢視古典現實主義對一九五八?到一九?九?這段歐洲統合發展的解釋?，逐一分析各個??對它的批判，並在最後結?中認為古典現實主義仍較自由政府間主義、新功能主義和?性制?主義?能解釋這段期間歐洲統合的進展與挫折，但必須?考建構主義和社會制?主義加入關於「認知」的變?。歐洲聯盟；統合理論；戴高樂；共同市場；European Union；Integration Theory；De Gaulle；Common Marketjournal article